My Family

My Family
Adoc, Michael, Me, Esther, and (far right) Jennifer

Tuesday, November 15, 2011

Rwanda

We’ve been travelling on the program for the last three weeks. We left Gulu for Kampala on October 19, and spent a week there. Then, after a stopover in Mbarara and Nakivale Refugee Camp, we arrived in Kigali, Rwanda.

We’ve been affectionately calling Kigali paradise for the past month or so, as our trip there grew closer and closer. Compared to Uganda, especially Gulu and the rest of northern Uganda, development there is insane. The roads are paved, and paved well. There are lines painted on the roads and traffic lights – before Rwanda, I had only seen one traffic light in my entire time in Uganda, and that was in downtown Kampala, near Parliament. Boda boda drivers not only wear helmets and vests to mark them as official drivers, but also are required to provide a helmet for their riders. In Uganda, you’re lucky if your driver has a helmet for himself, and there’s never one for the rider.

Additionally, there wasn’t one grass roof to be seen, in the capital city or out. Even small, rural houses had tin or tile roofs, and houses were rarely even made of wood, but usually stone or brick, if you were wealthier. There was ten times the amount of cars in Rwanda as there were in Uganda, and a public transportation system.

Rwanda itself is one of the most beautiful places I’ve ever been, hands down beating Rome and Paris. It’s called the Land of a Thousand Hills, and once you cross the border, it’s easy to see why. There is not a single plain to be seen through almost the entire country. And these aren’t little hills either – most could probably pass as small mountains. Roads and houses are built right into the hillside, and anyplace flat, especially in the north, is manmade. Some of the hillsides are covered with a forest of tall trees; others look like massive tortoise shells, a patchwork of fields and grasses in different shades of green and brown.

Kigali itself could pass for a small American city. There are skyscrapers – actual skyscrapers! – and electricity that almost never goes out. Restaurants serve gourmet food, things I could never hope to find in Uganda are in every supermarket, and people here are so used to white people I can walk around town without getting stared at (though, the marriage proposals received served as a reminder I wasn’t actually in a Western city). Here more than anywhere the amount of money that was poured into Rwanda after the 1994 genocide is hugely apparent.

It was this genocide that I was in Rwanda to study, though, and with only about a week and a half to try and cram in an entire country’s worth of history, we got to work as soon as we arrived. What became apparent almost immediately was that, even though no one talks about their Hutu and Tutsi identities, the Tutsi are still the ruling class in Rwanda. It was easy to tell most of our lecturers had been Tutsi by the way they spoke (using the words ‘we’ to describe victims or survivors of the genocide, and ‘they’ to describe Hutu perpetrators were the most obvious and giveaways). We already knew, from visiting and talking with Rwandan refugees in Nakivale, that many Hutu are afraid to return to Rwanda for fear of being arrested and charged with crimes in the Gacaca Courts, a system used solely to judge and sentence accused genocide perpetrators.

All of this might seem like obvious results of the horrific events of 1994, and you would be right. However, nobody talks about the thousands of Hutu who were also slaughtered during the genocide. The genocide in Rwanda is almost always called ‘The 1994 Genocide of the Tutsis’. The Hutu who refused to participate in the genocide, or the moderates who spoke out against the killing, were killed right alongside the Tutsi citizens.

Additionally, an even bigger dilemma that hasn’t been addressed is the atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army, led by Paul Kagame, during their advance into the country from Uganda in 1994. Reading almost any book, visiting any museum, or listening to any speaker, and they would have you think the RPF/A launched their offensive to stop the killings and save the Tutsi singlehandedly. However, as they approached Kigali, they met both Tutsi and Hutu alike fleeing the violence, and like the President’s Guard and the Interahamwe, demanded to see identity cards before offering protection. More often than not, any Hutus they discovered were murdered.

Paul Kagame is now president of Rwanda. The development apparent in the country is a direct result of his direction of funds in the country. He even instituted an activity called Umuganda, a national, mandatory volunteer effort that takes places the last Saturday of every month, in order to keep cities like Kigali clean and to establish a sense of pride and ownership of the wellbeing of the country within the citizenry. Umuganda works; most people are happy, even proud, to participate in a national effort on Rwanda’s behalf. Kagame’s administration also sees little to no corruption; it is clear why Rwanda is viewed as an African success story.

However, not all is as it appears. Kagame maintains a tight grip on Rwanda. It is not a clear example of authoritarian rule, but it is something that becomes abundantly clear to the careful observer. Whereas in Uganda, I could walk down the street, if I wanted, criticizing Museveni and talking about the LRA at the top of my voice, that sort of thing is ill advised in Rwanda, to say the least. People who have spoken out against Kagame have been subsequently arrested on one charge or another soon after, if they don’t disappear altogether. We couldn’t even ask questions directly to our lecturuers that might be construed as critical of the administration or sympathetic to people other than the Tutsi where the genocide is concerned. It would seem the trade off for an uncorrupt regime is one without basic freedoms of speech or press. I couldn’t tell you which I preferred (though, going back to Uganda has actually been a relief, which probably says something).

But, back to the genocide. I expected these two weeks to be rough. Studying the 22-year war in northern Uganda was something I could process slowly over the course of a month and a half. In Rwanda, I had to deal with trauma that took place in three months and killed just as many people, if not more, than in Uganda, and had to do it in eleven days. We had to cram a lot in.

We went to three different genocide memorials in one day. The first we went to was an actual genocide museum, with murals and placards with names and information about the leaders and victims of the genocide. There were machetes and other weapons that had been used in the killing on display. There was actual footage playing of people being hacked to death, and videos of survivors telling their stories in graphic detail.

At the end of the museum tour, there were a series of rooms we could enter and explore. One was a room full of photos of people who had been killed or were missing and presumed dead from the genocide, with their names written in black Sharpie underneath. Some of the photos had flowers or small figurines standing next to them, as though they were actual graves. There was more footage playing in this room of people talking about the killing of their family members. Another room had a rectangular glass display case with the skulls of genocide victims displayed inside.

After the museum, our group drove to two other memorials in churches where actual mass killings took place. Here, we found rows and rows and rows of human skulls and bones from the people who had been killed there. In the corners were huge piles of clothes, worn by the people as they had been killed. It was an emotionally intense day, to say the least. It was incredibly difficult to try and remain detached when confronted with such a sheer amount of human brutality.

We had to try and make Rwanda fun. It wasn’t so hard, considering Rwanda had so much to offer a bunch of American kids who hadn’t seen almost anything Western in two months. We ate pizza, Chinese, and burgers all the time. We drank coffee in cafés, and found bars that actually mixed drinks. We went hiking in the hills, and took city buses downtown to sightsee and shop.

One night, we bought tickets to attend a charity party hosted by a Rwandan youth hostel. When we showed up, it was a massive gathering of Western youth dancing to Western music. I’ve never been so relieved to hear Justin Bieber in my life – finally, songs that I recognized, that I could dance to!

Another night, we visited the Hotel des Milles Collines, AKA Hotel Rwanda. It was easy to hang out there, since it didn’t look anything like the hotel in the movie, which a group of us had watched only a few nights before, but it was still eerie to sit back by the pool with drinks and live music.

Our last two days in Rwanda, we travelled to two very different homes – the first, the traditional palace of the ethnic king, last residing in the 1950s, and then to the mansion of Juvenal Habyarimana, the man who presided as president of Rwanda in the years preceding the genocide.

At the palace, we saw three different royal homes. The first was the traditional palace for the king, a massive grass hut, larger than any I’ve ever seen. Inside, the floor was covered with thick woven mats and ceremonial clay pots, as well as traditional weapons and decorative furs. Behind the king’s hut were two smaller huts, one for the king’s milk and one for the king’s beer (which, if you ask me, is pure awesomeness). Behind these three huts was a corral for the king’s cows. These cows, with huge, curving horns, were a status symbol. They were never slaughtered for meat, their milk never drank, and were only paraded around in costumes or bedecked in flowers on special occasions.

The last of the ethnic kings, though, didn’t live in any such hut. Instead, as he converted to Christianity, the Belgians built him a sprawling and beautiful modern home, with bathrooms, fireplaces, and even a garage for his Volkswagon. Apparently, this wasn’t enough for the last king. In the 1950s, he commissioned an even larger home on the next hill, where we traveled next. Unfortunately, he died the year after it was completed, and was never able to move in. It’s now an art museum, housing paintings, sculptures, and wooden carvings all revolving around the common motif of peace.

Habyarimana’s home was even more luxurious than the two homes of the king. It’s a huge, sprawling estate, complete with tennis courts, an in ground swimming pool, and a slightly smaller in ground pool for Habyarimana’s massive pet snake. Inside, the decadence was even more apparent – sparkling chandeliers, carved wooden furniture and paneling, even a coffee table made from an elephant, with preserved elephant feet serving as the feet of the table.

Habyarimana’s paranoia was astounding, and apparent in his home (and I mean, hey – when you’re the face, the voice, and the leader of the outright murder of over a million people, no wonder). Built into the stairs leading to the second floor were a series of alarms that would go off when someone would climb them. Each succeeding step triggered a different sound, so the president would be able to tell how far the intruder had progressed. In his bathroom, he kept a filing cabinet full of money in all different currencies so any intruder would be distracted long enough to allow him to escape. And, in his sons’ room, he had a series of secret doors, two of which opened into small closets that were used to store arms and a third that hid a staircase that led to the third floor of the house – the only staircase that led there. The third floor was large enough for Habyarimana, his wife, and all of his children to all live comfortably for a very long time. There were two bathrooms, several bedrooms, a sitting room, and even a roof that served as a chapel. Habyarimana even kept a traditional African doctor on staff, and it was on this floor he resided.

The final part of our tour led us back outside and across the yard. From a guardpost, we were able to see the remnants of the plane that had carried Habyarimana back from peace negotiations with the RPF/A in 1994. As it approached Kigali International Airport on the night of April 6, 1994, just down the road from the presidential home, it was shot from the sky. Habyarimana, the president of Burundi, and several members of the Rwandan cabinet died in the crash. The genocide started only a few hours later. To this day, the identity of who shot down the president’s plane remains a mystery. Hutu extremists in 1994 claimed it was the RPF/A, and a French court, on evidence of radio transmissions, has convicted Kagame of participating. But, the French aided the Hutu regime that incited the genocide, providing arms and military training. Meanwhile, the hate radio station that broadcast the names and addresses Tutsi, and was one of the biggest tool the genocide perpetrators had in killing, broadcast only days before the death of the president that something very big was going to happen, and then it would be time for ‘the work’ to begin. I don’t believe the world will ever know the truth.

I can say all of this because I’m back in Gulu now, beginning my research, and I’m not going to get kicked out of the country for it (though, seriously, how cool would that be?). We got back on Friday, and we’re all settled in our guesthouse, nice and cozy. It’s hard to believe I’ll only be here another month. The good news, though, is that I’ll be able to post more now that I’m settled in one place. Look for me!

Tuesday, November 1, 2011

Northern Uganda, and Everyone Else

Our lectures continued while we were in Kampala – it’s not all pizza and Christmas shopping, you know. Our very first lecturer on last Thursday, after we were settled, was a judge who worked for Uganda’s National Amnesty Commission, which was established in 2000 to deal with the number of citizens involved in various rebellions throughout the country (while the LRA is the most prominent, there have been several other movements in the past twenty years).

The goal of the Commission is to forgive and successfully reintegrate rebels into Ugandan society as normal, hard-working citizens. Once rebels have been captured or voluntarily return from the bush, they are given a chance to apply for amnesty, which in most cases is guaranteed. Once the former rebel has been granted amnesty, they’re given a sum of money roughly equivalent to $100, some basic tools and cookware, and then they’re sent off.

Now, ignoring the basic flaws of this plan, such as finding land and reintegration with a war-ravaged community, amnesty in and of itself is one pretty solid way of dealing with huge numbers of combatants who may have been taken in their childhood and forced to fight, or men and women who might have stayed with the LRA out of fear for themselves and their families. Amnesty protects these people from unjust prosecution, and gives them a chance to start over.

But, back to our lecturer. The judge was from western Uganda, an area that didn’t notably suffer from the LRA insurgency and also Museveni’s home region. Tribes play a big part in the way this country works. The Acholi are looked down upon in almost every other region, and have a very difficult time securing positions in the central government because of their tribe. Meanwhile, for as long as Museveni has been in power, the west has been more favored than any other region, financially, developmentally, and academically.

While the north was being ravaged my conflict, Uganda’s other regions were successful, even prosperous. When asked, they acknowledged there was conflict in the north, but it’s as though northern Uganda is a different country, rather than just a different part of Uganda. They would say, “This is the most successful we’ve been in years, this is a good time.” They are oblivious to the fact that 6 hours north, children are being abducted and whole families are being slaughtered. And if they are aware of it, so what? The Acholi are violent people. They were born to fight. What problem is it of mine?

Our lecturer seemed to follow this line of thought. I believe in amnesty as much as the next person, but I believe it has its role alongside traditional methods of justice and reconciliation as well, such as mat oput, the drinking of the bitter root, I described a few posts ago. There is another Acholi healing tradition that involves stepping on an egg, the symbol of new life, before one enters a home to purge them of all the violence they’ve committed or seen, so they could be ‘reborn’.

Our lecturer, though, didn’t seem to hold much stock by these methods of reconciliation. “What if someone came to your house, killed your mother, raped your sister?” he repeated, over and over again. “Would stepping on a silly egg be enough for you?”

No, it wouldn’t, thank you, but I’m American, and we have different cultural expectations

“Well, in America, you have the death penalty, don’t you?” he said. “How many of you don’t believe in the death penalty?”

Every single one of us raised our hands. Our lecturer, clearly not expecting that reaction, waved his hands.

“No, no. What if someone came to your house, killed your mother, raped your sister…”

And on and on it went, for an hour and a half.

It was so frustrating to see the marginalization of the north by the south right there in person, and not be able to do anything about it. Being in Kampala is so different from Gulu. The roads are better, the electricity goes out less frequently, pit latrines aren’t as common here, there are more cars on the road, there are more kids in school… I could go on forever. Its like anything above the Nile is a different country, and not of any concern to anyone is the south.

Uganda needs to become united, and tribes, a method of divide and rule reinforced and politicized by colonization, need to be reconciled with the perception of being Ugandan. When you ask someone here where they’re from, they’ll say they’re Acholi, or Lwo, or Bagandan, before they say they’re from Uganda, even if they are traveling and are asked in Tanzania or Britain or the U.S. Being Ugandan is not at the forefront of anyone’s mind. The problems of the north need to become the problems of the south, the prosperity of the south needs to be shared with the north, and the people of this country need to see themselves as Ugandan if they ever hope to prevent future conflict and become a part of the second world, or even the first.

Being in Kampala and now Rwanda has been such a treat. There’s been more western food, indoor plumbing, and lukewarm showers. But, honestly, I miss Gulu, and the Acholi. I’m pretty stoked to head back next week and get started my research.

Happy Halloween, everybody!

Friday, October 21, 2011

The Acholi

At this point, I feel like I should provide everyone with a little background on the Acholi people, their language, and their culture. The Acholi have a creation story, like any culture. It goes a little something like this:

Long ago, there were a people led by one chief, named Olum. He was married to a woman named Nyilak, and together, they had three sons, named Tipal, Labongo, and Gipir.

Tipal, however, was insane, and unfit to lead the tribe when Olum stepped down. As such, Olum’s second son, Labongo, became chief. He had a wife named Lawina, and a son named Oteka.

One day after Labongo became chief, he and Gipir were heading out to work in the fields. Gipir had awoken later than his brother, and told Labongo to leave without him, and that he would follow shortly. As Gipir was leaving the hut, though, he saw an elephant in the garden, trampling the produce. Gipir ran back into the hut, and grabbed the ancestral spear that was passed to Labongo when he became chief. Running back out, Gipir hurled the spear at the elephant, and hit it in the side. Injured, but not dead, the elephant ran off with the spear still stuck in him.

There was nothing left for Gipir but to tell his brother what had happened. When he did, Labongo was furious. He demanded Gipir leave the village and not to return until he had found the spear. Gipir protested, arguing the task was impossible, but Labongo refused to change his mind. Dismayed, Gipir packed supplies, and left the village.

He traveled for three months, tracking the elephant through excruciating heat and torrential downpours. He burned during the day, and froze at night. Mosquitoes feasted on him. Still, there was no sign of the elephant or the spear.

About to give up, Gipir came upon an old woman. She fed him and cleaned him, and gave him a comfortable place to sleep for the night. In the morning, Gipir told her about his impossible task. She reassured him, telling him he would soon find what he was looking for and his journey would soon come to an end. She also gave him a small bag of tiny white glass beads.

Heartened, Gipir carried on. Soon enough, just as the woman had foretold, he found the elephant, dead from the wound the spear had caused. Gipir pulled out the spear, and returned to the village. He returned the spear to Labongo, who was joyous at seeing his brother once more.

As they feasted together on the night of his return, however, Labongo’s young son, Oteka, found Gipir’s bag of glass beads from the old woman. As he was playing with them, he accidentally swallowed one.

Gipir, still angry about being cast from the village for three months, demanded the return of his bead. Labongo bid him to wait for allow the bead to pass. However, afters days of waiting, Gipir demanded something more be done. Labongo pleaded with his brother, offering to buy him another bead to replace the one that Oteka had eaten, but Gipir refused. So, Labongo unwillingly dug a grave, and then sliced open his son’s belly, searching through the intestines until the bead was retrieved. He returned it to Gipir, but was furious at having to kill his only son.

The village became divided; half supported Gipir, and half supported Labongo. Each side was ready for war when the village elders intervened. They forced the brothers to sit down and perform mat oput, the drinking of the bitter root. The roots of two trees that have grown together are cut and boiled, producing a liquid that is blood red and incredibly bitter. Each offending party drinks from a cup of the liquid three times, and the bitterness taken in by each drinker causes them to forget their own.

The brothers drank the root, and the village was reconciled. Gipir also became a leader of the people, and remained in the north while his brother traveled to the west. Gipir’s tribe became known as the Acholi, and Labongo’s were the Luo – two tribes which are inextricably linked today. Their languages are incredibly similar, and their cultural practices are reminiscent of the time when each tribe lived together.

The Acholi originate from Sudan, but gradually moved south. The groups kept splitting apart and settling, and now tribes from South Sudan, northern and western Uganda, and the Congo can all trace their origins back to a single Acholi tribe.

Historically, Acholi households are headed by a man who had several wives, each of which would have several children. Babies are born in the home. Baby boys are kept in the house for three days, baby girls for four, and then they are brought out in the morning sun to be admired. Twins are considered sacred; dances are organized for them, and certain animals are slaughtered. Their umbilical cords are kept. The second twins are born, their Acholi names are designated: The first twin born is named Opio, if it’s a boy or Apio, if it’s a girl, meaning first. The second twin is named Ocen (boy) or Acen (girl), meaning after.

The man was charged giving the household direction, and at night, the entire family would come together before the fire. The boys and girls would be divided, and here they would receive their informal education; boys would learn or animals and farming, and the girls would learn traditional cooking and other domestic and familial responsibilities from their grandmothers.

Death and the dead are hugely respected in Acholi culture. When a family member dies, the body is cleaned and prepared by the women. After family members travel from all over to visit the deceased, the dead are buried in the afternoon on family property, close to the home. Families are never far from one another, even in death. Then, food is prepared, and there is dancing. Another ceremony is held three days after death for men, four days for women. Final rites for the deceased are given after a year, when there is again another celebration.

The Acholi language has just as five vowels, just like in English, but with different pronunciations:

A (ah)
E (ay)
I (ee)
O (oh)
U (oo)

There are several letter combinations that make sounds not found in the American alphabet. The most common of the are ‘pw’, which sounds like an American ‘f’, and ‘ny’, which sounds like ‘nee’ or ‘na’, depending on the following consonants. The letter ‘c’ sounds like ‘ch’, as only ‘k’ makes the ‘kah’ sound, and the letter ‘g’ is swallowed and nearly indistinguishable in a word.

There are different greetings you use for different times in the day:

Morning:
Ibutu maber? (Have you slept well?)
            Eyo. (Yes.)

Ico maber? (Did you wake well?)
            Aco maber. (I woke well.)

Daytime:
Irii Maber? (Are you well?)
            Eyo, arii maber. (Yes, I am well.)

Nighttime:
Dong ibut maber. (Sleep well.)
            Apwoyo. (Thank you.)

To introduce yourself to somebody after they’ve greeted you, you would say Nyinga and then your name.

Some words for common Ugandan food:
Cukari (Sugar)
Cak (Milk)
Murango (Beans)
Cai (Tea)
Tongweno (Egg)
Ful (Groundnut [peanuts in America])
Muyembe (Mango)
Guana (Cassava [Fun fact: In large quantities, cassava is a carcinogen. Good thing I don’t like it, I guess.])
Mugati (Bread)
Labolo (Banana)
Ringo (Beef)
Kado (Salt)
Matonda (Passion fruit)
Moodek (Cooking oil)
Bel (Millet)
Layata (Sweet potatoes [different from American sweet potatoes])
Layatamunu (English potatoes)

Munu is the Acholi word for a white person, or a European. It’s commonly interchanged with muzungu, the Kiswahili word meaning the same thing.

Words in Acholi are often recycled, and can have two meanings. For instance, the word cam can mean food, or to eat. Myel can mean a dance, or to dance. However, it is uncommon for the words to be related, like the previous two examples. Much more common are instances like the word coo, which either means men or to wake up, depending on the pronunciation.

Numbers:
0 – Jero
1 – Acel
2 – Aryo
3 – Adek
4 – Angwen
5 – Abic
6 – Abicel
7 – Abiro
8 – Aboro
9 – Abungwen
10 – Apar
11 – Apar wiye acel
12 – Apar wiye aryo
13 – Apar wiye adek
20 – Pyere aryo
21 – Pyere aryo wiye acel
22 – Pyere aryo wiye aryo
23 – Pyere aryo wiye adek
30 – Pyere adek
40 – Pyere angwen
50 – Pyere abic
100 – Miya acel
1,000 – Alip acel

Days of the Week:
Ceng Cabit (Sunday)
Ceng Baraja (Monday)
Ceng Aryo (Tuesday)
Ceng Adek (Wednesday)
Ceng Angwen (Thursday)
Ceng Abic (Friday)
Ceng Abicel (Saturday)

Months of the Year:
Dwe me acel (January)
Dwe me aryo (February)
Dwe me adek (March)

And so on and so forth.

Acholi really isn’t a difficult language to learn. It helps that a lot of their words are anglicized, which makes sense, since Uganda was a British protectorate for over fifty years. I’m by no means fluent, but I can manage day to day pleasantries, and I can ask how much something is, which endears a lot of people to me, separates me from NGO workers, and will make getting research done a whole lot easier.

In other news, my home stay time is over. I didn’t want to leave, but it’s not the end; I have an open invitation back during research time, which I definitely plan to take my family up on. This week we’re in Kampala, the capitol city, where I’ll probably get a lot of my Christmas shopping done. Then, next week, we’re off to Kigali, Rwanda, to take a break from the LRA and spend two weeks with the 1994 genocide (not to mention hot water, paved streets, and crepe chefs). Sounds heavenly.